Published: 31 October 2026. The English Chronicle Desk. The English Chronicle Online
Democrats are increasingly looking toward a politically unusual group of voters as the US midterm elections approach: supporters of the Make America Healthy Again movement who once saw Donald Trump and his administration as allies in a campaign to transform American public health.
The movement, commonly known as Maha, has brought together people concerned about ultra-processed food, agricultural chemicals, environmental pollution, healthcare and children’s health. Many of its supporters were drawn toward Robert F Kennedy Jr, now the US health secretary, during his independent presidential campaign before he ultimately became associated with the Trump administration.
But the relationship between the Maha movement and the administration has become increasingly strained. Disappointment over pesticides, food policy and other health priorities has created an opening for Democrats, who are attempting to appeal to voters on issues where the two sides overlap while distancing themselves from conspiracy theories and anti-vaccine activism.
For Democratic Representative Chellie Pingree of Maine, the possibility of such an alliance is not entirely surprising. Pingree moved to Maine as a teenager in the 1970s and became involved in the back-to-the-land and organic farming movement. Decades later, she is seeing younger activists enter the same broad political space from a very different direction.
Some are conservative or libertarian voters who became interested in Maha through online personalities and health campaigns associated with Kennedy. Others are environmentalists, organic farmers and public health advocates who have long been concerned about chemicals in food and agriculture.
Pingree recently appeared at a conference alongside Republican Representative Thomas Massie of Kentucky, where discussions brought together liberal environmental activists and Republican-aligned Maha supporters. Among those attending were prominent health and food influencers.
That overlap has encouraged Democrats to consider whether some Maha voters could become part of a broader coalition centred on public health and consumer protection.
The opportunity, however, comes with significant risks.
The Maha movement is not a conventional political organisation. It is a loose network of activists, influencers and voters whose views can range from mainstream concerns about food quality and environmental pollution to anti-vaccine beliefs and conspiracy theories.
Derek Beres, a host of the Conspirituality podcast, which examines the intersection of conspiracy theories, pseudoscience and extremism, has argued that Kennedy was particularly effective at reaching different fringe communities during his presidential campaign.
His campaign attracted supporters from organic farming circles, cryptocurrency communities and anti-vaccine networks, helping create a diverse coalition that later became associated with Maha.
Some of the movement’s most prominent personalities have promoted ideas that conflict sharply with mainstream scientific and public-health institutions. Kennedy himself has continued to attract controversy over his positions on vaccines and other health issues.
At an event in September hosted by Children’s Health Defense, the organisation Kennedy previously led, he pledged to investigate chemtrails, a long-standing conspiracy theory claiming that aircraft condensation trails contain harmful chemicals deliberately released into the atmosphere.
Such positions create a difficult problem for Democrats. The party wants to attract voters concerned about food safety, pollution and corporate influence without appearing to endorse claims that lack credible scientific evidence.
The political opportunity has partly emerged because of disappointment among some Maha supporters with the Trump administration itself.
One major source of frustration has been pesticide policy. Activists who expected the administration to restrict agricultural chemicals have criticised decisions allowing continued use of certain pesticides and approving other chemical products despite environmental and health concerns.
Glyphosate has become a particularly sensitive issue. The widely used herbicide, associated with the Roundup brand, has been the subject of extensive scientific and legal debate over its potential health effects. The World Health Organization’s cancer research agency classified glyphosate as probably carcinogenic to humans in 2015, while Bayer, which owns Monsanto and produces Roundup, disputes claims that the product causes cancer. The US Environmental Protection Agency has also concluded that glyphosate is unlikely to cause cancer under its current assessment.
For activists within the Maha movement, however, the administration’s approach has been deeply disappointing.
Kelly Ryerson, known online as Glyphosate Girl, has criticised what she sees as a failure by the administration to deliver on its promises to regulate potentially harmful chemicals. She and other activists have opposed Environmental Protection Agency decisions and called for changes in environmental policy.
The frustration intensified when the administration described maintaining an adequate supply of glyphosate as a national security issue. For activists who expected Kennedy to become a powerful force for chemical regulation, the move was seen as evidence that the White House was unwilling to challenge the pesticide industry.
Food policy has generated similar disappointment.
Kennedy’s Department of Health and Human Services announced plans to define ultra-processed food, a major concern for many Maha supporters, but the effort has not progressed as quickly as activists expected. Other initiatives related to school lunches and food standards have also faced criticism.
Kennedy has attempted to demonstrate progress in other areas. This week, he announced a voluntary programme allowing hospitals to certify healthier food offerings. His administration has also supported changes to Food and Drug Administration rules concerning ingredients classified as “generally recognized as safe”.
But these steps have not completely satisfied activists who expected a more sweeping transformation of the American food system.
The departure of Kennedy adviser Calley Means has further fuelled questions about whether the administration can deliver on its public-health agenda. Reports of frustration inside the movement have added to the perception that Maha’s influence over government policy may be weaker than supporters once expected.
Yet the political concerns of Maha voters do not necessarily match the priorities of the movement’s most visible influencers.
Healthcare affordability remains a major issue. Polling has found that lowering healthcare and prescription-drug costs ranks as the most important health concern among Maha voters, ahead of restrictions on chemicals in the food supply.
That distinction could be important for Democrats. Healthcare affordability has long been a central Democratic issue, potentially giving the party a way to connect with Maha voters without adopting the movement’s more controversial positions.
The vaccine question remains much more difficult.
Many Maha supporters continue to distrust Covid-era public-health policies and government restrictions. For them, vaccine policy is closely tied to broader concerns about government authority, pharmaceutical companies and institutional trust.
Democrats, meanwhile, have traditionally positioned themselves as supporters of mainstream science and vaccination programmes. Any attempt to attract Maha voters could therefore create tension with the party’s existing public-health base.
At the same time, Kennedy’s elevation to the position of health secretary has energised Democrats who believe the administration’s policies threaten scientific institutions.
Erik Polyak, executive director of 314 Action, an organisation focused on recruiting pro-science Democratic candidates, said Kennedy had become an important political motivator for doctors, nurses and public-health professionals.
Across the country, Democratic candidates with medical and public-health backgrounds are campaigning for office. Among them are physician Amy Acton in Ohio, pediatrician Annie Andrews in South Carolina and Abdul El-Sayed, a physician and public-health official running for the Senate in Michigan.
Their campaigns reflect a broader Democratic effort to make public health a more visible political issue after years in which healthcare debates have often centred primarily on insurance costs and access.
For some Democrats, Kennedy’s role has therefore become a recruiting tool. His policies have encouraged healthcare professionals who might previously have remained outside electoral politics to become candidates or campaign activists.
But the idea that Maha voters will simply move into the Democratic camp remains uncertain.
Pingree has experienced the challenge firsthand. She recalled meeting representatives of Moms Across America, an organisation connected to Maha activist Zen Honeycutt. The group presented her with materials covering several issues, including PFAS chemicals, school lunches, glyphosate, vaccines and 5G technology.
Pingree said she could work with them on some of those subjects but not others.
That distinction may ultimately define the Democrats’ strategy. Rather than embracing Maha as a complete political package, Democrats could attempt to isolate areas of genuine agreement, such as reducing harmful chemicals, improving food quality, strengthening school meals and lowering healthcare costs.
The approach would allow Democrats to appeal to voters frustrated with the Trump administration while maintaining their commitment to established scientific evidence.
Whether that strategy can succeed before the midterm elections remains uncertain. Maha voters are not a unified bloc, and many remain personally loyal to Kennedy or sceptical of both major political parties.
But the movement’s growing frustration with the administration has created a political opening that Democrats would previously have struggled to imagine.
The emerging contest is therefore less about whether Maha as a movement will become Democratic and more about whether individual voters who once supported Trump and Kennedy can be persuaded that their concerns about health, food and environmental safety are better addressed elsewhere.
For Democrats, the challenge will be maintaining a careful boundary: embracing legitimate grassroots concerns while refusing to endorse conspiracy theories or unsupported medical claims.
That balancing act could determine whether the party can turn Maha’s growing disappointment with the Trump administration into meaningful political support—or whether the movement’s distrust of traditional institutions will ultimately keep its voters outside the Democratic coalition.




























































































