Serbia’s Student Victory Sparks a ‘Smell of Freedom’

 The morning after a dramatic electoral victory, hundreds of volunteers gathered in central Belgrade with bin bags, cleaning equipment and a sense of relief that extended far beyond the task in front of them. Their mission was to clear away the remains of a controversial pro-government encampment that had occupied a public park for 18 months, turning a familiar green space into a symbol of political intimidation and division.

For supporters of Serbia’s Student List movement, the clean-up represented something more profound than removing rubbish and dismantling damaged tents. It was a public declaration that the country could begin reclaiming spaces associated with fear, confrontation and alleged political impunity.

“Yesterday was a big victory, so today is the smell of freedom,” said Radomir Dalic, one of the volunteers working in Pioneers Park, opposite Serbia’s National Assembly building. “We are in garbage, but it’s the smell of freedom.”

His words captured the mood among supporters celebrating what the supplied report describes as a decisive defeat for President Aleksandar Vučić and his governing Serbian Progressive Party, known by its Serbian initials, SNS.

Yet behind the celebrations lies a more complicated question: can a movement united by opposition to corruption and political intimidation translate its electoral success into a stable, accountable government capable of delivering lasting reform?

Pioneers Park, a small green space with established trees and a children’s playground, had become the centre of a prolonged political confrontation.

For approximately 18 months, the area had been occupied by a pro-government encampment known as Ćaciland. White tents and makeshift structures transformed the park, restricting public access and creating an atmosphere that opponents of the government described as intimidating.

According to the original report, people associated with the camp included individuals with criminal convictions, and journalists and other visitors had faced violence or threats when approaching the area. Critics also accused police of failing to intervene adequately when confrontations occurred.

The camp became a visible symbol of the tensions surrounding Serbia’s anti-corruption protests. What might ordinarily have been a place for families, children and everyday recreation was increasingly associated with political confrontation.

Its location made the symbolism particularly powerful. Positioned opposite the National Assembly, the encampment stood close to the institutions at the heart of Serbian political life.

For opponents of the government, reclaiming the park therefore meant recovering more than a public amenity. It meant challenging the idea that politically connected groups could occupy public spaces indefinitely while ordinary citizens were left feeling excluded or unprotected.

The events surrounding election night appeared to bring that confrontation to a turning point.

Tensions were reportedly high as voting approached its conclusion. Around half an hour before polling stations closed, groups of masked men dressed in black gathered in and around Pioneers Park, raising fears that the political contest could spill over into violence.

The presence of the groups prompted concerns among some observers that the governing party might resist an unfavourable result or that confrontations could erupt as the outcome became clear.

However, the subsequent developments surprised many people in Belgrade.

According to the supplied report, Vučić addressed supporters at SNS headquarters shortly after polls closed and acknowledged that his party had suffered a comprehensive defeat to the Student List movement. He also said he did not want unrest or violence on the streets.

Riot police subsequently stood aside, barriers restricting access to the park were removed and the groups gathered around the encampment dispersed.

Student List supporters entered the area, celebrating the apparent end of the camp’s occupation. Some tents were damaged and set alight during the celebrations, underscoring the anger that had accumulated over the preceding months.

The following morning, however, the atmosphere had changed. Rather than allowing the site to remain a symbol of confrontation, volunteers began dismantling the structures and restoring the surrounding area.

Hundreds joined municipal workers to remove damaged tents, collect rubbish and clean playground equipment. Some painstakingly disinfected climbing frames, swings and slides that had been part of the public park before the encampment took over.

The clean-up became a striking contrast to the disorder and hostility associated with the site.

Among the volunteers was Tamara Tomic, who wore yellow rubber gloves as she helped restore the park.

Her explanation for taking part reflected the aspirations of many people who had joined Serbia’s wider protest movement.

“Gathering here and cleaning this place just shows that we want to live nicely,” she said. “We want to enjoy the city, enjoy a normal life without violence and without anyone torturing us.”

Such sentiments help explain why the restoration of an ordinary public space could become a powerful political moment.

For many participants, the protests were not simply about changing the people in government. They were also about rebuilding trust in public institutions, restoring accountability and ensuring that public spaces remained accessible to everyone.

The clean-up offered a tangible way to express those demands. Instead of waiting for politicians to announce reforms, volunteers took immediate action to improve their surroundings.

The approach also reflected a pattern associated with the student-led demonstrations, whose participants have frequently organised collective efforts to remove rubbish and restore public spaces after large gatherings.

Dalic, who worked across the grass to collect cigarette ends and other debris, said he was delighted that the park had been cleared of people he believed had intended to intimidate opponents.

For him and other volunteers, the physical labour became an expression of political hope: a willingness to repair what had been damaged and create space for a different kind of public life.

Despite the celebrations, the Student List movement now faces a challenge that could prove more difficult than defeating an established political party.

Unlike a conventional party built around a prominent leader and a clearly defined hierarchy, the movement has presented itself as a collective initiative shaped by student assemblies and a broad range of professional and civic backgrounds.

Its candidates reportedly include academics, athletes, economists, engineers and other professionals. The candidate ranked first on the list, Ilija Srdanović, is a cardiologist at the University of Novi Sad, the city where a deadly roof collapse helped trigger the student protests.

Srdanović has participated in demonstrations since the early stages of the movement. However, he has stressed that being ranked first does not automatically make him the future prime minister.

He has described the movement as democratic and said it wants to avoid Serbia’s historical tendency to concentrate political authority around a single personality.

The movement’s 250 candidates, he argued, should be regarded as equal participants in the struggle, with several people potentially capable of taking on senior government responsibilities.

That approach could offer an alternative to highly personalised politics. It may also make decision-making more complicated, particularly when the movement must agree on a government programme, distribute ministerial responsibilities and respond quickly to unexpected crises.

A coalition can remain united while campaigning against a common opponent but encounter serious disagreements once it must make decisions about budgets, appointments, foreign policy and public services.

The Student List has published an 11-point plan that places anti-corruption measures at the centre of its domestic agenda.

Other commitments include judicial reform, greater media freedom, affordable housing and improved access to healthcare. One of its stated ambitions is to ensure access to a doctor in every village.

These proposals address concerns that have become central to Serbia’s political debate: whether public institutions operate independently, whether public money is managed transparently and whether ordinary citizens can access essential services without facing entrenched inequalities.

The emphasis on anti-corruption reform carries a particular historical irony. Vučić and the SNS previously benefited from public promises to tackle corruption and improve governance when they came to power in 2012.

The Student List now faces the same test that confronted its predecessors: demonstrating that campaign commitments can be converted into practical changes.

Achieving meaningful reform would require more than replacing senior officials. It could involve strengthening judicial independence, improving oversight of public procurement, protecting journalists and ensuring that allegations of misconduct are investigated fairly.

The movement will also need to establish how it intends to fund its social commitments, implement administrative changes and measure progress.

Without a clear implementation strategy, even popular promises risk becoming a source of disappointment.

While the Student List’s domestic priorities are relatively clear, its positions on international affairs remain less developed.

Serbia occupies a complicated geopolitical position, maintaining aspirations for European Union membership while preserving important relationships with Russia and navigating longstanding disputes in the Western Balkans.

The country’s relationship with Kosovo remains particularly sensitive. Kosovo declared independence from Serbia in 2008, but Belgrade does not recognise it. The dispute continues to influence regional diplomacy and Serbia’s relationship with European institutions.

Michael Davenport, a former EU and UK ambassador to Serbia, has warned that major policy questions remain unresolved within the broad movement.

He has pointed to uncertainty over the country’s approach to EU accession and regional issues involving Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo. The absence of a clearly articulated foreign policy could become a significant challenge once the movement begins negotiating government priorities.

Its diverse membership may contain different views on relations with Moscow, cooperation with Brussels and the future of Serbia’s regional diplomacy.

Those disagreements do not necessarily make governing impossible, but they will require careful negotiation and a coherent strategy.

Kurt Bassuener, co-founder of the Democratization Policy Council, has expressed concern about the difficulties the movement could face once the initial excitement surrounding its victory fades.

He has suggested that the movement would need credible people prepared to take responsibility for specific policy areas and a practical plan that allows a new government to begin working immediately.

The danger, he warned, is that divisions within a broad coalition could emerge soon after an electoral victory.

That concern reflects a wider challenge faced by movements formed around public dissatisfaction. Opposition can unite people with different political beliefs, but governing requires decisions that inevitably produce winners, losers and competing priorities.

The Student List will have to demonstrate that its collective structure can support effective leadership without abandoning its commitment to democratic participation.

It must also show that anti-corruption promises will apply consistently, including when investigations or reforms affect people associated with the movement itself.

The treatment of public institutions, the independence of law enforcement and the protection of political opponents will be important tests of whether Serbia’s political culture is genuinely changing.

For now, many supporters appear content to celebrate the removal of an encampment that had become a visible reminder of political division.

Throughout Monday, car horns reportedly continued to sound as drivers passed the volunteers working in Pioneers Park. Municipal workers and residents continued clearing the debris, restoring playground equipment and recovering the public space for ordinary use.

The scene offered a vivid contrast between the confrontations of previous months and the practical cooperation unfolding after the election.

Yet the park’s restoration is only one part of the challenge ahead. Rebuilding trust in institutions, improving public services and ensuring political accountability will require sustained work long after the tents and rubbish have disappeared.

The Student List has emerged from a prolonged protest movement with significant public expectations attached to its success. Its supporters hope that the end of the encampment signals the beginning of a broader transformation in Serbian political life.

Whether that hope becomes reality will depend on the movement’s ability to turn its anti-corruption message into credible institutions, workable policies and accountable government.

For the volunteers in Belgrade, however, the immediate achievement was unmistakable. A contested public park was being returned to the people who lived around it.

As Dalic put it, the work may have involved rubbish and damaged tents, but to those who believed they had reclaimed their city, it carried a more powerful meaning: the possibility of freedom, dignity and a more peaceful public life.